Were 460 years added to the official chronology?

And further speculation. After the generation (and a few generations after) that dies off in the recovery from the cometary disaster and society and civilization is in taters, with the TPTB pushing Constantine and suppressing Caesar, then eventually the people only remember Constantine as the figure that help to create and further Christianity. Maybe Constantine is even a mythical character that has elements of the real Caesar and another very influential real individual or individuals (such as Self-Importance mentioning Charlemagne) that they wanted to suppress the memory of.

So the story of the life of Constantine (that did have elements of the life or lives of real individuals, so that people would see the similarities and then eventually only see Constantine) would have been created and continously pushed out over time and the coins, sculptures, etc created back then to give legitimacy to the story.

edit added: grammar and clarity of thoughts
 
And one last thought for the night... I'm going to re-read this article by Laura, specifically about the Inquisition, Witch hunts, etc.

The church had exerted complete, evil, and full control of populations and information through these acts, so from the time of the Cometary Bombardment to now we have these activities that might have been also about fully creating, implementing, and enforcing the historical narrative that came out the other side and what most everyone today believes is the real history of things.
 
They say statue/head was found in 1900 in the walls of fortress bridge in Niš.
Do you know how did they 'know' it's Constantine the Great, i.e. how did they identify him?
I can only guess that they identify him with the help of other statues, coins or pictures. Just as it was done with any other roman emperor.

Plus, there is a lot of byzantinian icons depicting Constantine.
 
BTW, and IMO, the whole story that there was no Constantine doesnt hold the water. It would be silly to struck hundreds of thousand of coins and spread them through entire Europe, just to show people that there was one cool guy who introduce christianity. There was much easier way to do that in those days, and they did it a lot in that way - by fire and sword.

Just imagine the amount of copper, silver and gold needed for the operation. And the logistics needed. That would be operation of biblical proportions.

Also, majority of the late roman and early byzantine coins was struck in Constantinople, Salonica (todays Thessaloniki in Greece), and Siscia (todays Sisak in Croatia), so if Constantine's coins are false, than there are also false coins of a whole bunch of roman and byzantine emperors, whose coins bears the same signs on them.

It is different for Bible, there are no physical evidence, but there are for roman emperors.

Also, the city of Constantinople was called like that AT THAT TIME. There are physical evidences for that. So the name is given by some guy called Constantine (even if guy never existed, that would tell that the eventuall "constantine scam" is not younger than 4. or 5. century AD.
 
I don't recall whether it was in "Mystery of the Cathedrals" or "Dwellings of the Philosophers", but Fulcanelli went on and on for a bit about the faking of history and the planting of fake evidence including salting the ground with fake coins. Can anybody pull that excerpt up?

Also, have a look at the brief rundown on the Historia Augusta here:

 
I don't recall whether it was in "Mystery of the Cathedrals" or "Dwellings of the Philosophers", but Fulcanelli went on and on for a bit about the faking of history and the planting of fake evidence including salting the ground with fake coins. Can anybody pull that excerpt up?

Also, have a look at the brief rundown on the Historia Augusta here:

It's in "Dwellings of the Philosophers", in the first chapters, but I only have the French version, sorry
 
I've been working for 1 year on this problem of recentism. It has exhausted me... Every 3 months, I revise my hypothesis. This said, here is my opinion that I try to share as I can with my English.

We all agree that the problem is complex, and if it is, it is because there must be several layers of falsification that may respond to different political motivations at different times. As can be seen in the exchanges here or between historians and recentists, we are always confronted with the problem of "historical materiality". If writings can be easily falsified, it is on the other hand much more difficult with material evidence which is sufficiently numerous in many respects to make us doubt the right hypothesis to adopt (archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics...). In the first place, there are the Roman coins on which all the Roman emperors appear and which continue to be found in great numbers in the four corners of the Empire. Objectively, one cannot assume that everything is strictly fictitious. Obviously, most of the emperors seem to have been real historical persons. As we know, falsification usually consists of "fixing" history for a specific purpose.


There seems to be clearly 2 main strata: the High Middle Ages and the Renaissance, two eras that follow a cataclysmic period. The Renaissance seems to be the final layer with the rise of the Roman papacy. In fact, the chronology is an artificial set-up that rests only for the period we are dealing with (between Julius Caesar and Justinian) on a particular canvas: an endless succession of emperors - not on Christianity as such. One must look for the "mechanics" behind this arrangement. If you analyze history from a geographical point of view, you will find an incomprehensible "gruyère", with more or less important historical gaps depending on the region. It is not a sequence of events, but a succession of emperors, end to end. If you reconsider this principle, assuming for example that these emperors did exist but more or less simultaneously, you have a revisited chronology that is not incompatible with the material evidence. What if the falsification of the history of Christianity was the second layer on top? The vacuum left by this "first arrangement" was a perfect opportunity for the Roman Church.

As I have already written in another post, I think that we must dwell on the notion of "emperor" and thus on the structuring of political power during the Empire. Is it conceivable that a single man could command such a vast empire with the means of communication of the time?

And what if the function of emperor as we conceive it was a retro-projection carried out by the Carolingians in concert with the Byzantines? In any case, it seems that a gigantic purge took place around this period. There are almost no original texts left from this period. They all date from the Middle Ages. All the texts are rewritten. All the libraries are sacked. You have the use of the "caroline minuscule" under Charlemagne and the use of the "Greek minuscule" in Constantinople (is the monastery of Stoudion the operative seat of the "Greek executors"?) What if the operation had taken place simultaneously?

We know that the Romans were viscerally hostile to monarchy and the idea of a Roman Republic has always endured from the time of Augustus and still after (we see it in texts and on coins). This is why historians are embarrassed with this concept of "principate" because there are flagrant anomalies. For example, there is the "Res Gestæ Divi Augusti" of which here is an extract: "in spite of my pre-eminence over all, I had no power superior to that of my colleagues who exercised the same magistracies as me" - illustrates the will of this one to present himself as the "Afterwards [from -27, end of the civil war], in spite of my pre-eminence over all, I had no power superior to that of my colleagues who exercised the same magistracies as me. In other words, for the Romans, there is no separation between the Republic and the Empire and, above all, it is a question of collegiality so dear to the Romans. Who were Augustus' "colleagues"?


Doesn't this remind one of the "college of emperors" under Diocletian? Diocletian was a pure conservative. One can thus wonder if the Tetrarchy was really an innovation or the restoration of an earlier principle. In fact the function of "imperator" already existed under the Republic as an honorary title and it designates a kind of "victorious general". Were there 2 Augusta from the beginning? 2 simultaneous capitals (Rome and Byzantium)? I admit that I am having trouble clarifying the governance of the Empire.


I therefore "amused" myself by analyzing at length the sequence of these emperors by creating an Excel file. I found several interesting points. First of all, the emperors form "groups" that can be classified as geographical blocks (place of birth, place of death, residence), even if these emperors are permanently on the move with their legions, which makes this approach more complex. You obviously have the emperors residing in Rome (High Empire) and you have several distinct groups that cover the whole Empire with for example the Theodosian dynasty in Hispania. But most of them reside in the eastern part, mainly in the Balkans. We will understand why afterwards.
 
Heinsohn is the author among the recentists who seems to me the closest to the truth, even if his evaluation is too high (900 years too many). He has extensively analyzed the archaeological strata and he postulates that the High Empire, the Low Empire and the High Middle Ages are simultaneous. He puts forward many very interesting arguments. This explains in particular the fact that in the "buried Roman treasures", one finds coins of emperors which cover several centuries, it is a phenomenon without equivalent in the history in my opinion even if that does not shock the historians...

If we look at the other great power competing with the Romans, the Persian Empire, you notice 2 notorious Khosro, one against Trajan and the other against Justinian. Everything suggests that the Parthian empire was subordinate to the Sassanid kings and that there is therefore a situation of simultaneity. And if we calculate the number of years between these 2 kings, we have approximately 430 or 450 years! This explains the striking parallel between the war against the Dacians/Getes and the war against the Goths, depending on the place of the narrator. Ditto with the Huns and Avars and all the other duplicates you know.

As Heinsohn thinks, the Early Empire seems to overlap with the Late Empire, at least in part (starting with the Antonines?). Indeed, there is a curious duplication with the "year of the 4 emperors" and if you compare the events under Nero and Commodus, there are disturbing similarities (plague, fire in Rome...). I don't know if the simultaneity of the emperors applies from Augustus or if it starts after Nero because clearly, it is chaos from that moment on (just read Tacitus well!).

After Commodus, no emperor resides in Rome anymore and afterwards the constructions are globally reduced to triumphal arches and fortifications. What happened? Obviously the brutal collapse of the western part with the Antonine plague. Could we compare the symptoms of the 3 plagues (Antonine / Cyprian / Justinian) and see if it is the same event? I have the impression that it is not and that there were 2 epidemics spaced a few decades apart. I think that's a key too. There is probably a transfer of Roman elites to the eastern part and a survival of the Empire, which explains the delayed decline between the western and eastern part that is well explained by Ward-Perkins.

And then there are the imperial titles. I am surprised that no historian has noted the following fact.

You have 12 emperors attached to Marcus Aurelius between Severus and Maxentius. And you even have 3 emperors (the 3 Gordians) who are attached to Mark Antony, more than 200 years after his death! Hmm? What's the problem? And you have only 12 emperors who bore the title of "Pater patriæ", the last one being Constantine.

And you have 42 emperors who are attached to the Flavians between Severus II and Heraclius, that is to say almost the whole of the Late Empire ! The Constantinian dynasty is also called the "second Flavians". This must be connected with the transfer of governance from Rome to Constantinople. Was there a "conflict of command" that could explain the struggles and usurpations between the emperors?

I could talk about it for a long time but I might be boring, so let's see what you think? This hypothesis also has its limits
 
It's in "Dwellings of the Philosophers", in the first chapters, but I only have the French version, sorry
Thanks! And what a memory Laura has!

I found this in the English version of Dwellings of the Philosophers (1999), Book 1, ch. 1, 'History and Monument', where Fulcanelli writes:

Falsification and counterfeiting are as old as the hills, and history, which abhors chronological vacuums, sometimes had to call them to its rescue. A very learned Jesuit of the 17th century, Father Jean Hardouin, did not fear to denounce as spurious numerous Greek and Roman coins and medals coined during the Renaissance and buried with the aim to 'fill in' large historical gaps.
So that gives us another lead to follow: the work of Father Hardouin.
 
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I don't recall whether it was in "Mystery of the Cathedrals" or "Dwellings of the Philosophers", but Fulcanelli went on and on for a bit about the faking of history and the planting of fake evidence including salting the ground with fake coins. Can anybody pull that excerpt up?

Also, have a look at the brief rundown on the Historia Augusta here:

When I give it a deeper thought, my thinking could be wrong. Because I was deciding was it sane or crazy from modern (mine) perspective. But, the actions that someone must do for faking the facts are different for our time and for thousand years ago. For example, we now have "fact checkers" and all of the fake news and similar, thousand years ago they would have what was important then - coins and statues.

Maybe that can explain this:



For example in the Balcans, every other village has its own treasure of hundreds of roman coins dug out. Its almost a sport - searching for "roman treasure".


There is also "column of Constantine" in Istanbul. But I cant find what is on it, no close up images.

Edit: fixed the link
 
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Thanks! And what a memory Laura has!

I found this in the English version (1999), Book 1, ch. 1, 'History and Monument':


So that gives us another lead to follow: the work of Father Hardouin.

Father Hardouin’s Prolegomena ad censuram veterum scriptorum has been translated into English in 1909 and can be downloaded here:


There are some references to (maybe not so ancient?) coins in chapter 8 section 3, chapter 14 section 7 and chapter 20 section 3, but the main treatise on coins seems to be the work mentioned in a Footnote in “To the Reader”:

See the Latin work, “Chronology restored from old Coins. Prolusion on the coins of the Herodiads, in notes under the year LI. Permission given, 1692.”
Prolegomena, p. 12 et seq.

The original title is Chronologiae ex nummis antiquis restitutae and is also available on archive.org, small problem being I can’t read Latin. Besides that, he seems to have written more treatises on ancient coins.
 
A number of authors, among them Heribert Illig and Gerhard Anwander[30], doubt the historicity of Charlemagne and argue that he was a mythical figure modeled after historical Constantine.
According to Heribert Illig the time line is too long by 345 ± 64 years which more or less close to the 460 years. Here are two his articles in English (he also has several books about the topic but all of them are in German) I could find:

Calendar studies prove that the thesis of the Invented Middle Ages is correct

by Heribert Illig​


When the supposition first arose that there might be chronological problems in the early Middle Ages, too, the first cross-check was carried out with the help of the Julian-Gregorian calendar. It almost reached its goal, by a hairs breadth: when dealing with the autumnal equinox and 23rd September, the date on which the equinox falls today, it was found that there is no date for this equinox that has come down to us. This deficiency has now been rectified so that the argument can develop its full effect.

Regardless of the hairs breadth that was not bridged for a long time, one idea was extremely fertile: not only do we need to check old documents and chronicles against each other; above all, we need to compare them with the archaeological findings. Documents are not usually written in the open countryside, but in solid houses, therefore numerous settlements have to be shown to have existed. But on the contrary, all over the old world there is a shortage of buildings and settlement traces. Here is the latest example: until recently, Prof. Ferdinand Opll, Vienna, was of the opinion that in this originally Roman settlement only one cemetery church had maintained settlement continuity. But in August 2010 he finally admitted:

“For more than 300 years, old Vindobona was deserted … Wolves were searching the ruins for prey” [Lackner].
This is not surprising, since Prof. Karl Brunner of the same department has for years insisted that the entire Danube valley between Linz and the Danube Bend was uninhabitable for three centuries [Illig 2002, 5], this particularly fertile region of all places.

Similar cross-checks have been carried out for many places, towns, regions, and entire countries such as all 70,000 sq.km of Bavaria [Illig/Anwander], or for Hungary [Weissgerber] and always confirmed the thesis that the early Middle Ages were not only a dark age, but no part of the time line at all.

This paper intends to present the updated calendric evidence. It shows that the connection made by the Pope between the Gregorian Calendar Reform and the Council of Nicaea cannot be upheld. The time elapsed between the two calendar reforms needs to be shortened, which means a large part of the rule of the Merovingians and Carolingians is to be omitted since there is no period for which there are more finds missing than this one.

The Gregorian Calendar and Nicaea​

It all appears to be clear and simple. On 4th October 1582, Pope Gregory XIII had the calendar count jump not to the 5th, but to the 15th October, i.e. ten (not 11) days. In this way, he corrected the error that had built up in the Julian Calendar. It is easy to determine the length of the period during which this error accumulated:

Since the Julian year, compared with the tropical year, is approx. 674 sec too long (365 d + 21.600 s versus 365 d + 20.926 s)5, over almost precisely 128.2 years the error (86.400 sec [= 1 day] : 674) adds up to 1 day. A correction of 10 days therefore corrects the error which built up over 1282 years (± years). Calculating back from 1582, this approximately leads us to the year AD 300. (An embarrassing but characteristic curiosity: The New Encyclopaedia Britannica [1985, / calendar / Julian Calendar] used the 674 sec from Caesar to Gregory but named as a result not the correct 13, but the established 10 days!)

In his bulla Inter gravissimas Pope Gregory had the vernal equinox put back (replaced) to where it was in AD 325:

“So thus that the vernal equinox, which was fixed by the fathers of the [first] Nicene Council at XII calends April [March 21], is replaced on this date…” [Frank 2002, 651]
This would be verifiable, but there is no observation and no report as to the day on which the vernal equinox actually fell then. Moreover, the error that accumulated between Caesar (45 BC) and Nicaea: 370 [years] : 128.2 = 2.88 [days to be corrected] is not taken into consideration. There are two implications:

  1. the Council of Nicaea must have carried out a calendar correction which fixed the vernal equinox that fell on 21st March (since the 1582 correction fixed this date);
  2. at the time of Caesar, the equinox was approx. those rounded-up three days later, i.e. on 24th March.
Can both implications be confirmed? For point a), those scholars were competent who in 1982 dedicated a conference at the Vatican to the 400th anniversary of the Gregorian Calendar Reform. Under the leadership of G.V. Coyne, S.J., as Director of the Vatican Observatory, Prof. Pedersen [41] of the University of Aarhus demonstrated that already at the Council of Arles, in 314, it was decided that from then on the Pascha of the Lord shall be observed by us on the same day at the same time all over the world. But the Eastern churches did not accept this council, moreover they

“not prescribe any universally applicable method of computing Easter. The problem remained unsolved and was accordingly placed on the agenda of the first Ecumenical (although predominantly Eastern) Council of Nicaea in A.D. 325.“ [ibid.]
“Unfortunately we are badly informed of the deliberations at the Council on this particular matter. The final Canon 20 decreed that prayers on Sundays and during the time of Pentecost should be said standing, but had nothing on the Easter controversy. What we have is a letter from the Council to the Church of Alexandria saying that the dispute over our Holy Pascha is ended (…) so that all Eastern brothers will from now on celebrate Easter as you do, they who formerly did not comply with the Romans, nor with you, nor with others of those who maintained the original Easter custom. This was followed by a circular letter from Constantine himself to the effect that at this meeting the question concerning the most Holy Day of Easter was discussed, and it was resolved by the unanimous judgment of all present that this feast ought to be kept by all and in every place on one and the same day” [ibid. 41, emphasis Pedersen].
We learn from this: the Council only demanded that the brothers in the East should also observe the common Easter date (but history tells us that until the 7th century Easter was celebrated at up to four different days of a year e.g. in 387 the Alexandrines celebrated it on 25th April, the Romans on 18th April, and the Gauls on 21st March [ibid. 44]; the Irish, who later had their own method of calculation, had not been Christianised then). Moreover, there is neither a method of calculation for this common Easter (not even the frequently reported rule on the first Sunday after the first full moon after the vernal equinox) nor a date for the relevant vernal equinox. The letter only shows that the Alexandrine Computus (Easter calculation), which is not specifically mentioned, was successful against Rome. This state of research has been presented repeatedly at least since 1880 [Frank 2010, 458]. The two possible calendar reforms mentioned by Dixon [2010, 36] as having taken place before Nicaea (225 and 284 or 303) appear to be speculative; nobody reports anything of days that might have been dropped then.

Not one word regarding 21st March, not one word about a calendar reform, not a word about the experts who advised the Council of Nicaea according to Dixon [35]. How could there have been? A migration of the vernal equinox by three days in 370 years can hardly be observed with the naked eye, since we know that the drift of the vernal equinox from the date of 21st March supposedly fixed at Nicaea was noticed in the Occident only around 1200 and that first thoughts of reform were formulated then; according to conventional calculation, this happened only after 900 years [Illig 1993, 53 f.; Frank 2002, 648]. Who, during the early 4th century, would have had enough understanding to be able to boldly conclude from an observation which might be just as faulty as an earlier one that the vernal equinox was migrating in the calendar? And even if there had been such an astronomical genius, why would he not have tried at once to stop further migration with the help of a calendar reform for he would have understood that in three centuries time, the date of the vernal equinox would have to be shifted again by three days?

Vernal Equinox​

The whole riddle could be resolved if the date of the vernal equinox at the time of Caesar was known. But until recently this did not appear to be the case. In fact, a good century later Pliny the Elder (died AD 79) conveyed the date of 25th March. But in 990, Heriger of Lobbes spoke out against Pliny and other authors of antiquity: he knew that the antique Alexandrine scholars used as the spring equinox not 25th, but 21st March! [Borst 1995, 211; Illig 1999, 52] This is also suggested by Anatolius of Alexandria (or of Laodicea), who decided around AD 275, i.e. clearly before Nicaea, that not astronomical observation was decisive, but the date of 21st March [Harvey, 20]. Dixon mentions that Anatolius wanted to place the equinox correctly on 21st March as early as the middle of the 3rd century [Dixon, 36]. Hence, the 21st March must have been known then for some time, presumably since Caesars calendar reform.

Pope Gregorys computist C. Clavius found two dates when he was looking for the equinox at the time of Caesar and Augustus:

  1. the civil or political, and
  2. the astronomical or true equinox. [Frank 2005, 9]
In combining both observations, it can be concluded that the Alexandrines, the best astronomers of their time, had fixed the 21st March as an astronomical point of reference, whereas the Roman local tradition preferred the 25th, in Latin calculation kal. VIII aprili. In the same way, the other annual reference points were described as kal. VIII which was easy to remember, and in our present system gives 24th June, 24th September, and 25th December. (Since Hipparchos it was known that the annual reference points did not follow at the same interval; the reason, the Earths elliptical orbit, was not known at that time.)

In his reform, Caesar respected the Roman tradition. But since Sosigenes, whom he had instructed to carry out the calendar reform, was an Alexandrine expert, he knew both datings. In 1582, the Eastern churches were consistent in not permitting their 21st March to be changed in spite of many suggestions for alternatives from the Roman church. [Frank 2002, 650]

Indeed, the Greeks were upset when they heard the rumour that the equinox would be reduced to 25 March and became satisfied when they learned that it would be changed to 21 March [Ziggelaar, 231].

So far, scholars used 25th March as vernal equinox because it is closer to Plinys date of 24th March. This meant they had to ignore the days different and the true equinox on 21st March. They also had to ignore the fact that with Giovanni Battista Riccioli another father of the reform knew of the measurement by Eudoxos, ca. 368 BC, which had given the spring equinox on 25th March. Until the time of Caesar, it must have wandered to the 22nd, so at the time of the introduction of the Julian calendar reform it could never had been on 25th March [Frank 2005, 11]. The difference of one day between 22nd and 21st March lies still within the tolerance of the measurements in those days.

Autumnal Equinox​

A second possibility for control is via the autumnal equinox which since Gregory XIII falls on 23rd September. Caesars adoptive son, Augustus, enables this by his arrangement in the Field of Mars in Rome. This includes the cremation place (ustrinum), mausoleum, peace altar (ara pacis Augustae) and sundial (solarium or horologium). The sundial was equipped with an obelisk almost 30 metres high; it daily cast a shadow line whose end point drew a convex or concave path. Only during the two equinoxes, this end point would run across the dial along a perfectly straight line. The peace altar was so positioned that the end point ran directly to its entrance; possibly it even disappeared in it. This arrangement was therefore constructed for the equinoxes [Buchner, passim].

On the other hand, the birthday of Augustus is unequivocally known from various ancient records: ante diem IX Kal. Oct.. This date of 23rd September is found four times chiselled into stone [Corpus I² 329: VI 253, 9254 XI 3303 XII 4333; Illig 1991b, 43 f.]. Contemporary authors such as Diodorus or Velleius Paterculus also report this date, as do Gellius or Suetonius [Augustus] during the period after the emperors death [Pauly  Julius Augustus]. It is thus one of the best confirmed dates of antiquity. (Of course Augustus was born before the Julian calendar reform and nobody knows whether his birth date was correctly recalculated on 23rd September. But what is decisive is that he himself thought it important to have been born on 23rd September in the Julian calendar. When he renewed the Apollo Temple on the Field of Mars he had it dedicated on 23rd September [Buchner, 37].)

Third, it is known that Augustus considered his horoscope as eminent: according to Suetonius he was born just before sunrise on 23rd September [Suetonius, Augustus, part 5]. It suggests great and hardly believable things, which is why Augustus eventually made it public [ibid. part 94]. This might be in relation to the autumnal equinox and hence the conception at the winter solstice [Illig 1991b, 44].

This leads to the conclusion that sundial and peace altar particularly emphasize the equinox because the emperor was born on 23rd September and therefore at the autumnal equinox. This would be correct according to present-day calculations, but was it at the time? M. Schütz [1990] clarified that this link was not documented then [Illig 1993, 47]. Until recently, no ancient source has been known for this; even the excavator of the sundial, E. Buchner, had to admit that this information was lacking [Buchner, 36 fn. 80]. The present author, too, missed it; he wrote in 1999 [51]:

“We can, therefore, state with probability close to certainty that shortly before the beginning of the Common Era, the equinox fell on 23rd September. Only a hairs breadth separates us from absolute certainty.”
A hairs breadth can be an almost insurmountable distance. Only recently, however, W.X. Frank [2010, 459 f.] discovered Columellas work De re rustica from the period around AD 60. With regard to the dates for sowing, Columella refers to Virgil according to whom the sowing of wheat and emmer should only be done when Atlas daughters, i.e. the Pleiades, have set (are hidden), and adds:

“Now they are hidden on the thirty-second day after the autumnal equinox, which usually falls on the ninth day before the Calends of October… [i.e. 23rd September]”. [Columella, II, chapter 8]
The word here translated as usually (fere) might indicate that in leap years the equinox is a day earlier. (According to A. Borst [78, without Columella citation], both Columella and Pliny argued for the 25th September; in his twelve-volume work Columella may have alternated between the two possible dates.)

Now, all these dates fit together, whereas the view generally accepted so far, in spite of the assertion of the Papal Bull and the time elapsed between Nicaea and Gregory XIII, becomes untenable: Augustus birthday on 23rd September, the autumnal equinox on the same day; sundial and peace altar as the apotheosis of the birthday (contrasted by ustrinum and mausoleum); consequently 21st March as the date of the astronomical vernal equinox, reported by an early medieval author who still knew that in Caesars time, there were two dates for it: 21st March as astronomical date, and 25th March as civil date, corresponding to 23rd September and 25th December a knowledge, that was also available to Clavius in 1582. 25th December does not originate only in Rome, but also in the cult of Mithras (birth of the Sun) and was taken over by the Christians as the birthday of the Lord.

Until now, all historians and archaeo-astronomers only observed 25th March and 25th December. They had to do this to save the entire chronology before 1582. For only if the vernal equinox fell on 24th March in Caesars time (the discrepancy to the actual date of 25th March was being ignored) was it possible that the vernal equinox could have moved to 21st March 370 years later, could be fixed at the Council of Nicaea, and reinstated by the Pope in 1582!

Result and new Thesis​

But if 21st March already applied under Caesar, then because of the 10 correctly eliminated days there can only be 10 x 128,2 = 1.282 ± 64 years between Caesar and Gregory XIII. That is, the present time line is too long by 345 ± 64 years, a time span between 282 and 409 years. Thus breaks the time frame which links us to antiquity; a familiar epoch turns out to have been invented and inserted later. Moreover, any chronology of antiquity loses its credibility, considering that such a serious error has been overlooked for so long, in fact, since the Middle Ages. It is not surprising that no ancient historian, no mediaevalist, no archaeo-astronomer has ever encountered the unambiguous Columella text passage.

Pope Gregory XIII relied upon ecclesiastical tradition when he named the Council of Nicaea as reference point. This reference is mentioned by Ambrosius in the second half of the 4th century, then decisively by Dionysius Exiguus who introduced it in AD 525 in his Liber de paschale [Frank 2002, 652]. It cannot be dealt with here whether this work was actually written in the 6th century.

In 1991 the current author published the thesis that the Christian timeline is too long [Illig 1991a]. In 1994 [20], he quantified this period, not with astronomical means, but with archaeological remains: the 297 years between August 614 and September 911 are an invention of the time after the eastern emperor Constantine VII and Pope Sylvester II and the western emperor Otto III, and need to be deleted without substitution. These thoughts that were first developed in 1990 meant that in the year 2000, both the start of the third millennium and the coronation of Charlemagne 1200 years earlier the only generally known date from the early Middle Ages had to be questioned. Accordingly this thesis and its author have been subject to much hostile criticism. Now there is confirmation. Even the assumed period of 297 years has been confirmed again and again. By taking out this period of time which is supported by comparison of written sources and archaeological finds all through the old world [Illig 1996] the time elapsed between Caesar and Gregory XIII is corrected.

Particular thanks are due to Prof. W.X. Frank, Solnhofen, a great specialist for the problems of the Julian and Gregorian calendar reforms, who has taken the trouble of actually ferreting out the undiscoverable, to overcome the last hairs breadth all the way to utmost certainty, thereby at last clearing the way for the correction of our chronology. Thanks are also due to PD J. Beaufort, Bielefeld, and A. Otte, Oerlinghausen, who read, corrected and improved this text. Special thanks due to B. Liesching, Überlingen, for the translation.

Notes and references​

Borst, A., 1995, Das Buch der Naturgeschichte. Plinius und seine Leser im Zeitalter des Pergaments; Winter, Heidelberg, 2nd ed.

Buchner, E., 1982, Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus, Philipp von Zabern, Mainz.

Columella, De re rustica (Latin text and translation available online)

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, geführt von der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (available online).

Coyne S.J., G.V., Hoskin, M.A., Pedersen, O., eds., 1983, Gregorian Reform of the Calendar. Proceedings of the Vatican Conference to commemorate its 400th Anniversary 1582 – 1982; Specola Vaticana, Città del Vaticano.

Dixon, L., 2010, ‘Why Change a Calendar? Which year did Bede think he lived in?’ in SIS Chronology and Catastrophism Review 2010, pp. 35-39.

Frank, W.X., 2002, ‘Welche Gründe gab es für die Autoren der Gregorianischen Kalenderreform 1582, die Frühlingsäquinoktie auf den 21. März zurückzuholen?’ in Zeitensprünge, Vol. 14:4, pp. 646-655.

Frank, W.X., 2005, ‘21. März – Datum der Frühlingsäquinoktie zu Zeiten Caesars, des 1. Nicaea-Konzils und der Gregorianischen Kalenderreform 1582’; in Zeitensprünge, Vol. 17:1, pp. 4-14.

Frank, W.X., 2010, ‘Bemerkungen zur Gregorianischen Kalenderrestitution und zu den Jahreseckpunkten unter Augustus’; in Zeitensprünge 22:2, pp. 457-464.

Harvey, O.L., 1976, Time Shaper, Day Counter. Dionysius and Scaliger; published by the author, Silver Spring, Maryland.

Illig, H., 1991a, ‘Die christliche Zeitrechnung ist zu lang’; in Vorzeit-Frühzeit-Gegenwart, Vol. 3:1, pp. 4-20.

Illig, H., 1991b, ‘Augustus auf dem Prüfstand’; in Vorzeit-Frühzeit-Gegenwart, Vol. 3:2, pp. 43-49.

Illig, H., 1993, ‘Kalender und Astronomie. Marginalien zu antiker und mittelalterlicher Chronologie’; in Vorzeit- Frühzeit-Gegenwart, Vol. 5:3, pp. 46-68.

Illig, H., 1994, Hat Karl der Große je gelebt? Bauten, Funde und Schriften im Widerspruch. Mantis, Gräfelfing.

Illig, H., 1996, Das erfundene Mittelalter. Die größte Zeitfälschung der Geschichte. Econ, Düsseldorf.

Illig, H., 1999, Wer hat an der Uhr gedreht? Wie 300 Jahre Geschichte erfunden wurden; Econ, München.

Illig, H., 2002, ‘Zum städtischen Zeitverlust im frühen Mittelalter’, in W. Katzinger, ed., 2002, Zeitbegriff, Zeitmessung und Zeitverständnis im städtischen Kontext; ed. Österreichischer Arbeitskreis für Stadtgeschichtsforschung, Linz, pp. 1-19

Illig, H., Anwander, G., 2002, Bayern und die Phantomzeit, Mantis, Gräfelfing.

Inter gravissimas (Latin text and English translation of the Papal bulla available online).

Lackner, H., 2010, ‘Multikulti in Ur-Wien. Archäologie. Historiker schreiben die Geschichte Wiens neu: Anders als bisher angenommen, war die Stadt zu Beginn des Mittelalters 300 Jahre lang eine menschenleere Ruinenlandschaft’, in profil, Wien, 2010, issue 31, 02.08.2010. (commentary)

Meeus, J., Savoie, D., 1992, ‘The history of the tropical year’; in The Journal of the British Astronomical Association, Vol. 102:1, pp. 40-42 (available online).

Pauly = Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft / Der große Pauly, eds. A. Pauly, G. Wissowa et al., Druckenmüller, Stuttgart, 1890-1980.

Pedersen, O., 1983, ‘The ecclesiastical Calendar and the Life of the Church’; in Coyne, Hoskin, Pedersen, eds., 1983, 17-74.

Schütz, M., 1990, ‘Zur Sonnenuhr des Augustus auf dem Marsfeld. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit E. Buchners Rekonstruktion und seiner Deutung der Ausgrabungsergebnisse, aus der Sicht eines Physikers’; in Gymnasium, pp. 432-457.

Suetonius, Lives of Twelve Caesars.

The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1985, 15th ed., The New Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., Chicago · London.

Weissgerber, K., 2003, Ungarns wirkliche Frühgeschichte. Árpád eroberte schon 600 das Karpatenbecken, Mantis, Gräfelfing.

Ziggelaar, A., 1983, ‘The Papal Bull of 1582 Promulgating a Reform of the Calendar’; in Coyne, Hoskin, Pedersen, eds., 1983, 201-239.

The Christian Era Is Too Long

by Heribert Illig​


The quintessence of this article is as simple as it is far-reaching:

Between the time of Caesar and Modern Times, our chronology carries about 350 years too many.

This discovery results from a simple calculation and the vain attempts of earlier scholars to change their wrong result to a right one. The Gregorian Calendar continues the Julian; our calendar1, therefore, links Antiquity and Modern Times, it includes the Roman Imperial Era as well as the entire Middle Ages. If the new calendar has been erroneously grafted on to the old one, then all dates and synchronisms between the time of Caesar and the Early Renaissance will have to be reviewed.
A reminder: In -442, Pontifex Maximus Gaius Julius Caesar introduced the Julian Calendar, which was named after him, and in which every fourth year had 366 days instead of 365. This calendar was so good that a correction was only required 1626 years later. Pope Gregory XIII felt obliged, in 1582, to have the calendar brought back into harmony with the astronomical seasons. This was done by skipping ten days in the counting of the dates: 4th October 1582 was followed immediately by 15th October 1582. In order to avoid for the future a drifting apart of the calendar and the movement of the Earth around the Sun, the leap year rule was, moreover, refined. So the Gregorian Calendar is basically only a corrected and improved Julian Calendar. Whereas the Julian year showed a difference to the tropical year of 674 sec = 11 min + 14 sec, the Gregorian year gets as close as 26 sec to the tropical year and is therefore safe from corrections for millennia.

Julian year:365.2500 days = 365 d 360 min= 365 d 21,600 sec
Gregorian year:365.2425 days = 365 d 349 min 12 sec= 365 d 20,952 sec
Tropical year:365.2422 days = 365 d 348 min 26 sec= 365 d 20,926 sec
The New Encyclopedia Britannica (1985) says under the heading “Calendar” on the subject of the Julian Calendar, which was used for the following approx. 1600 years:

“During that time, however, the disagreement between the Julian year of 365.25 days and the tropical year of 365.242199 days gradually produced significant errors. The discrepancy mounted at the rate of 11 minutes 14 seconds per year until it was a full ten days in 1545, when the Council of Trent authorized Pope Paul Ill to take corrective action”.

This correction was only carried out 37 years later under Pope Gregory XIII.

But this simple multiplication gives a wrong result:
1626 years with an annual discrepancy of 674 sec results in 1,095,924 sec or, a day having 86,400 sec, approx. 12.7 days.

In 1626 years the Julian Calendar was slow by 12.7 days. As a correction was only possible in entire intercalary days3, it would have been necessary, in 1582, to jump over 13 days (this is confirmed by Zemanek, 1984, p.126). In fact, however, only 10 days were cut out.

Having quoted the opinion of the Encyclopedia Britannica as representing that of numerous other works, an explanation must be found for this serious mistake. There are four possibilities to explain why the correction of 1582 came out clearly lower (some 20 %) than indicated by the calculation:

  1. the Papal Romans did not relate their correction to Caesar’s correction,
  2. the Romans of antiquity had not determined the vernal equinox correctly,
  3. the Papal Romans determined the vernal equinox differently from Caesar’s astronomers,
  4. there were fewer than 1626 years between Caesar’s and Pope Gregory XIII’s reforms.

Re 1) The Romans of the 16th Century AD​

When a calendar slowly drifts, a correction should bring it back to its original astronomical situation. One therefore tends to agree with the Encyclopedia Britannica. There is, however, an alternative in the specialist literature:

As the date of the equinox at the time of the reform had moved away from the real one by ten days, i.e. it fell on 11th March instead of 21st March, the date was to be advanced “to the equinoctial day XIIth Calendae Aprilis = 21st March of the year 325 (Council of Nicaea) (Ginzel, 1914, III, 257).
This reference to the first Council of Christendom would be an explanation for the discrepancy queried above of 2.7 or 3 full days, because the calculation for the 1257 years passed between Nicaea and Gregory XIII indeed results in 10 compensation days:

1257 years with an annual discrepancy of 674 results in 847,218 sec or, a day having 86,400 sec, approx. 9.8 days.

So one would have to assume that in 1582 the calendar was not related to that of Caesar, but that of the Council of Nicaea. An Abbé describes what is supposed to have happened: the experts agreed by “finally declaring they preferred to suppress 10 days in order to bring the equinox forward to the 21st of March where it had been since the Council of Nicaea. This was to show respect to the Council and to bring as little change as possible into the liturgical books which had been revised by Pius V [Gregory XIII’s direct predecessor]“ (Chauve-Bertrand, 1936, p.89).

It should be added that for all makers of calendars, including Gregory’s scholars, there were two possibilities for correction: either the calendar remained unchanged, in which case the astronomical equinox had to be given a new calendar date, or the equinox kept its calendar date, then the calendar had to be corrected. In more concrete terms: either the equinox no longer fell on 21st March, but on the 11th — or 10 days had to be jumped over in the calendar to ensure that the equinox again fell on 21st March. In 1582, it was decided to correct the calendar and to adjust 21st March. In 325, according to this theory, it was decided to adopt a new equinoctial date, which is the one valid now, namely 21st March instead of previously 25th March (see below).

The Council of Nicaea​

The early Church attributed an importance to Easter which is difficult for us to understand. In 325, there were not only disputes raging around Arian teaching, but there were real political parties fighting for a single Easter date for the entire Church. In trying to separate the highest Christian festivity from the Jewish Passover (which is always celebrated at the time of the first full Moon in spring), Protopaschites fought with Quartodecimians, and later Audians and Novatians joined in as well.

Finally, the Council “decided that Easter, which until then had been celebrated at different dates by Christians in Asia Minor and in Europe, was to take place from now on the first Sunday after the 14th day of the Moon (which, roughly, corresponds to the full Moon) on or after the beginning of spring: the date of the beginning of spring was set on 21st March” (Moyer, 1982, p.94).

This sounds plausible, but not necessarily true. “The wording of the acts of this Council regarding Easter is not known, but the letter from the Nicaean Synod to the Alexandrine Churches and Libyan Bishops is preserved, as is the letter which Emperor Constantine had circulated immediately after the Council among those who had not attended the Council” (Ginzel, 1914, III, pp.216f — emphasis added). But Ginzel points out that neither of the two letters contains a ruling for the determination of Easter or the date of 21st March for the vernal equinox4; they only mention the need for unity over the date of Easter (ibid.).

That there cannot have been much unity is proven by the fact that after the Council of Nicaea, the custom of the free Easter date was introduced.

Faithful Christians seemed to think for a while it that would have been according to God’s plan that Christ should have died on the anniversary of his conception, i.e. on the day of the “Annunciation to Mary” (25th March), nine months before Christmas (not at all the day of “Immaculate Conception”, as this expression concerns the conception, free from original sin, of Mary on 8th December, nine months before the birth of Mary, on 8th September). This date of 25th March fixed Easter in the calendar and defined it as the immovable start of the year (Ginzel, 1914, III, p.164).

In fact, the Church only achieved a single Easter date in the 5th century; the reference point for the first spring full moon was the vernal equinox (Ginzel, 1914, III, p.252)5.

This confirms the suspicion that a decision regarding the calculation of Easter and the date of the equinox was not taken at Nicaea. This Council is only supposed to have regulated the exact and definite Easter date, because the totally indubitable 10 compensation days skipped in 1582 refer to the year 325, but not -44.

Even more has been insinuated regarding this Council although, or because, we know so little about it, because “minutes were either not kept or the Church made them disappear” (Deschner, 1980, p.394). But the Abbé Chauve-Bertrand reports that the Council Fathers knew as early as 325 that the Julian Calendar was adrift. For this reason they not only fixed the Easter date and the beginning of spring, they also newly fixed the beginning of spring. According to him they decided on the opposite solution to the Gregorian reformers, leaving the calendar dates and moving the vernal equinox forward from 25th March to 21st March (both Julian) (Chauve-Bertrand, 1936, p.87).

All the foregoing is pure speculation:

  • The wandering motion of the vernal equinox was mentioned for the first time in 1200 in a document by Master Chonrad; a very first hint is known from the 8th century, when Bede calculated his Easter Table until 1063 and remarked that the full Moon sometimes appeared earlier (Ginzel III, p.252),
  • the date of 25th March was gained by simple retrocalculation, because moving the vernal equinox from 25th March to 21st March means three skipped days — this calculation is perfectly correct for the 369 years between Caesar and the Council of Nicaea:
    369 years with an annual discrepancy of 674 sec results in 248,706 sec or, one day having 86,400 sec, approx. 2.9 days.
  • Chauve-Bertrand took over the date of 21st March for the vernal equinox from the Gregorian reform.
Precisely because there is not sufficient evidence as to the calendar day on which fell the vernal equinox of the year 325, it must be retrocalculated. Ginzel did that himself: “The correct astronomical entry into the vernal equinox in the year 325 was on 20th March 12 h 44 min Roman time, in the year 1582 on 11th March 0h 48m Roman time (counting the day from midnight to midnight)” (Ginzel, 1914, III, p.257). If this calculation was correct, then there would only have been a requirement of 8.5 days or 9 full days to be compensated between Nicaea and Gregory XIII. Whether he included in his calculation that the length of the tropical year decreases due to the slowing-down of the Earth’s rotation, so that the error in the Julian Calendar grows even faster than he imagined (Moyer, 1982, p.96) is impossible to guess from his result.

One should, however, not demand too much from this first Council, as it was the only one in which the Holy Ghost was unable to give sufficient support — because he achieved his divine status only in 381 (Deschner, 1980, p.384).

Re 2) The Romans of the -1st Century​

Is it possible that the Ancient Romans were unable to accurately determine the equinoxes, i.e. the East-West direction? The question sounds absurd since the required knowledge is said to have been available for more than 2000 years at the time of Caesar. Its visible proof is the Pyramid of Cheops, the incredibly precise orientation of whose base lines according to the cardinal points has always been admired. Even if meanwhile the -6th century is considered to be the time of its construction (Heinsohn/Illig 1990, p.115), the Romans would have had 500 years to learn Egyptian measuring methods. That they did in fact learn this lesson in good time can be shown on the inimitable sundial of Augustus.

On the Field of Mars in Rome, the first Emperor ordered to erect a subtly calculated combination of victory monument, birthday memorial, mausoleum, peace altar and sundial, the like of which is not known to have been built anywhere else in the Occident. Only the mausoleum is still on its original spot, the Ara Pacis and the obelisk have been displaced and there are only fragments of the network of lines to be found, deep below today’s street level. Quite recently, Edmund Buchner was able to reconstruct the entire set-up and evaluate it archaeologically (Buchner, 1982).

Augustus wanted to document his victory over the Egyptians by setting up an obelisk, the first one to have been brought all the way from Egypt. In the year -12 (ibid., p.48) the 50-year-old emperor decided, to use it as a gnomon, nearly 30 m high, the pin of a sundial whose network of lines, made of marble, was to cover a surface of more than 160 x 75 m. The Peace Altar (Ara Pacis) which was also ready and consecrated in -8, and the mausoleum, which had been erected previously, were of astronomical-astrological relevance.

The Emperor himself had been born precisely at the moment of the autumnal equinox. “On the Emperors birthday … the shadow wanders from morning to evening for about 150 m along the dead straight equinoctial line, precisely to the middle of the Ara Pacis; there is, thus, a direct line from this man’s birth to Peace which visibly demonstrates that he was “natus ad pacem” (Buchner, 1982, 37).

In order for this phenomenon to occur, the equinoctial line must run perfectly straight from West to East.

If it was possible, at that time, to orient the course of the shadow so accurately according to the equinoxes, then we can assume, with very high probability, that one generation earlier, at the time of Caesar, the determination of the equinoxes would not have caused any difficulties either. This means, however, that the vernal equinox in Rome fell on the same day it does now, i.e. 21st March (Gregorian, though!).

Re 3) The Spring Equinox​

The Ancient Romans, therefore, were able to determine the equinoxes very accurately. The close link between equinoxes and calendar is also proven by the sundial of Augustus.

In Caesar’s time, the beginning of spring was not yet fixed at the date of the vernal equinox. Only in late antiquity were the seasons linked with solstices and equinoxes (Buchner, 1982, p.79), in earlier times summer was extended, due to climatic factors, to five or more months. For this reason we know neither of Caesar nor of his contemporaries on what day of their calendar their vernal equinox fell. Columella and Pliny later calculated 24th March, a date which Ginzel describes as incorrect and which he corrects to 23rd March (Ginzel, 1911, II, p.285). Moving from 23rd March (Caesar) to 21st March (Nicaea), however, only demands one compensation day to be skipped, which would mean that there were only around 130 years between Caesar and Nicaea.

But we have another contemporary date which renders these retrocalculations and corrections superfluous: all the authorities agree that the birthday of Augustus was on 23rd September, with which they mean a Julian date, as confirmed by Bickerman (1980, pp.48f). Augustus, however, was born in -62 and thus before the Julian calendar reform of -44; his birth date, therefore, had to be recalculated in antiquity to give a Julian date. This fact makes this date particularly interesting.

The recalculation was inescapable because Caesar’s calendar reform had to give the year -45 a total of 445 days in order to bring the calendar in agreement with astronomical reality (Ekrutt, 1972, p.51). In the case of Augustus, it was impossible to make a mistake because his birthday fell precisely on the date of the autumnal equinox. Whether the recalculation is correct or whether the date of the autumnal equinox was simply chosen, one fact is certain: 23rd September is the date of the Julian autumnal equinox in the -1st century.

But the Gregorian autumnal equinox, too, is on 23rd September, as a glance at a calendar for 1991 will confirm. This leads to the inescapable conclusion that the Gregorian Calendar, which has fixed the beginning of autumn on that day since 1582, restored precisely the situation where the Julian Calendar was at its introduction.

Corresponding to the Gregorian beginning of autumn on 23rd September there is a beginning of spring on 21st march, as can again be seen in the calendar for 1991; this relationship is always valid. We can therefore be sure that at the time of Augustus (and therefore the time of the Julian calendar reform in -44) the vernal equinox was on the 21st March — originally Julian, but also from the Gregorian point of view.

The Gregorian Calendar Reform, therefore, restored the calendar situation obtaining in -44, at the time of Caesar’s reform. This totally contradicts the statement that in 325 the beginning of spring was on 21st March Julian, because the 369 years between Caesar and Nicaea must, as we have shown above, have led to a shift of 2.9 or 3 full days; the “slow” Julian Calendar would, after approx. 350 years, show the equinox on an earlier calendar day.

Chronologists have, nevertheless, found a way to lay two opaque veils over this absolute incompatibility, which has enormous consequences. The first has already been mentioned: in many current presentations (cf. above, quote from Encyclopedia Britannica) it is suggested that of course the Gregorian Calendar restored the astronomical situation at the beginning of the Julian Calendar. He who calculates this for himself and finds that 10 skipped days were not sufficient, is given the supplementary information in specialist literature that of course only the situation of Nicaea was restored.

‘The beginning of spring in Caesar’s time (actual) and Nicaea (postulated) therefore both fall on 21st March, though between both dates there should be a full 3 days: if it was 21st March at the time of Nicaea, Caesar’s date would be 25th March, at the most 24th March.

E.J. Bickerman, under “practical suggestions” spreads a second veil: “In ancient (and medieval) chronology we use the Julian Calendar and not the Gregorian which is used now. Both coincide c. AD 300; but then the Julian dates run behind the Gregorian Calendar by three days every four hundred years. In the reverse direction, from c. 100 BC, the Julian year is in advance of the Gregorian Calendar by three days every 400 years, so that, e.g., 29 December 102 BC (Gregorian) was already 1st January 101 BC” (Bickerman, 1980, p.89).

In this statement, Bickerman first confirms that the 10-day correction carried out in 1582 only reaches back to the Council of Nicaea, as this is the only way to explain why both calendars agree around AD 300. Then he says that after AD 300 and before 99 BC the calendars are drifting apart with a deviation of 1 day per 133.3 years (400 : 3). This value is useful as a rough guide, the correct figure is close to 128.2 years (86,400 sec : 674 sec).

But between -99 and +300, Bickerman creates a mysterious interval of 400 years in which both calendars are said to be totally synchronous. This is, of course, impossible: the cosmic clockwork shows, inexorably, a calendar difference of one day for every 133 (or better still, 128) years. If the Julian and Gregorian Calendars agreed around AD 300, then the Julian Calendar must in 172 have been in advance by one day, in 44 by 2, and in -84 by 3 days (which does not take into account that due to the rounding-off of full days the calendar would have been advanced in 236 by one day, in 106 by two, in -18 by three). A standstill period can only be considered to have existed if full days are taken into account and even then only for a maximum of 128 years.

This shows that Bickerman’s interval is meant to conceal a weak spot. If someone has accepted the rule of thumb whereby movements up and down happen within a 400-year period, then he may perhaps also accept the 400-year interval in which there is total standstill. Such a standstill period would then suggest that the vernal equinoxes of the time of Caesar’s reform and the Council of Nicaea, between which there lies a period of 369 years, could have fallen on the same 21st March6.

These two veils hide the false seam which holds together the Julian and Gregorian Calendars in a way that falsifies history: the alternating reference of the Gregorian reformers to either Nicaea or Caesar silences the questioner who does not understand the matter, whereas those who insist further are asked to be satisfied with the standstill between Caesar and Nicaea. But this deception need not be deliberate: chronologists of the 16th to 20th centuries, who did not doubt the course of history, had to cope with the problem that by 1582 the calendar had become slow, astronomically speaking, by 10 days but should, in relation to Caesar’s correction, have been slow by 13 days. As stating the truth would have thrown entire centuries into Orcus, they used the veil.

Re 4) The New Past​

Dark Ages which never existed are well-known from antiquity. They were introduced in both Greek and Egyptian histories to account for the lack of synchronism between them and Biblical history (in this context, cf. Heinsohn, 1988, Illig, 1988, as well as Heinsohn/Illig, 1990, in each case passim). In analogy to this there are, between the end of antiquity and the High Middle Ages, so-called dark ages, which are called precisely the same as those of the pre-Christian Era, and which at present are being looked at again (e.g. by Wood, 1982/88, with his “Search for the Dark Ages”).

We can, therefore, start a new calculation with a clear conscience. On the basis that the 10 skipped days really compensated the time discrepancy between Gregory and Caesar, as is being suggested, these ten years are the surest indication as to how many days separate Gregory XIII from the date when Caesar introduced his Julian Calendar:

10 days : 674 sec deviation/year = duration of calendar period. (10 x 86,400 sec) : 674 sec = 1281.899 years.

This means that the Julian Calendar had run for approx. 1282 years to accumulate a discrepancy of 10 days with regard to the solar year, or that Caesar introduced his calendar not 1626, but 1282 years before Gregory XIII, 345 years later, in the year of the Lord 300!

As, however, the calendar can only be corrected by full days, the correction of 10 days can indicate an observed deviation of between 9.5 and 10.5 days. This uncertainty of an entire day, means:

86,400 sec : 674 sec = 128 (years of uncertainty interval)

The end result: Caesar carried out his reform 345 +/- 64 years later, i.e. between 281 and 409 years later. In the Christian Era this interval lies between the years AD 236 and 364, with the average figure around AD 300.

If the premises of this calculation are corrects, from 281 to 409 years have to be eliminated from the Christian Era between Caesar and Gregory XIII.7

The Consequences​

At this point, at the latest, innumerable questions are raised. Only three shall be dealt with at present.

Where can the 300, 400 or maybe even more years be eliminated from the interval between Caesar and Gregory XIII?

Some first indications are given in the present publication. Until at least 300, the Roman Imperial Era seems to be so solidly constructed that it is unlikely to find gaps in it. The same applies for the period starting with Early Renaissance. This search is thus limited to the late Imperial Era and the Middle Ages. It is not expected that several centuries can simply be cut by distributing their (scarce) relics over the period before and after.

Medieval chronology is based on different sources which were combined in a synopsis only later: Byzantine history, Papal history, Frankish traditions, Celtic island memories, Gothic historiography, other traditions from the period of the peoples’ migrations, Islamic traditions, etc. In order to take all these synchronisms into account, it is possible that at various times “islands in a vacuum” were created. A comparable occurrence is known from the various countries of the ancient world. G. Heinsohn has shown that there are consistent gaps lasting 1500 years (Indus Valley, Central Asia, Iran, Southern Mesopotamia) and that in Northern Mesopotamia, too, two smaller gaps were created because there are links with two unsynchronized chronologies for the Mitanni= Medes (Heinsohn/Illig, 1990, p.306).

Why would such a serious mistake have been made, and why would it not have been exposed?

Further references to the falsification of a non-existing past are to be found in H.U. Niemitz’s article in this journal. Lincoln/Baigent/Leigh, too, showed (1984) that usurping rulers (such as the Franks) might have had great interest in creating a better past after having overcome their kings (Merovingians). However, someone who created a better past had to ensure that in future, too, everything remained unchanged.

How was it possible to pin a new past on the European population? Was their memory so weak?

At the present moment it is impossible to judge how quickly confusion — and the confusing movements of many peoples are not necessarily to be eliminated — could have led to an extensive loss of history for populations, some of whom may have been quite newly formed. In any case neither the Middle Ages nor the early Modern Times had an uncorrupted knowledge of chronology.

We tend to think that the Gregorian Era is observed worldwide, and may be surprised to learn that our year 1991 is the year 5751 for the Jews, for the Muslims it is 1410 (approx., due to their lunar calendar). At the time of Dionysius Exiguus (535) the known eras included the Byzantine Era (6043), Era of Panodorus (6027), Ab urbe condita (1288), Era after Pul (1281), Era of Augustus (564), and the Era of the Martyrs (251). The introduction of the Gregorian Calendar was not abrupt and uniform in Europe but lasted from 1582 in Italy to 1927 in Turkey, the calendars running parallel during these three-and-a-half centuries.

Moreover, there were local deviations: until Napoleon’s invasion, Venice started the year not on 1st January, but on 1st March; Florence and Pisa started theirs on 25th March, but a year out. Until the year 1749 it was possible to include one and the same day in three different years, depending on whether one was in Pisa, Venice or Florence (Ginzel, 1914, III, pp.160f). In this jumble of figures, the general public had to rely solely on conversions presented by the specialists. Calendar makers, therefore, were in a perfect position to manipulate, consciously or unconsciously, when converting one calendar into another.

Footnotes​

1) Further criteria for testing calendars
Continuous lists of rulers
would supply such criteria. But neither the series of more than 250 Popes nor the sequence of Byzantine Emperors appear so irrefutable as to enable the absolute correctness of the chronological axis to be deduced from them.

The current Era since the birth of Christ alone cannot serve, for this anchor point was for the first time used by Dionysius Exiguus in 532, after the period of Antiquity as such. The popes did not take this over very quickly, anyway: not till the 10th century, had John XIII had first documents dated AD, without, however, abolishing the official Era of Martyrs. The Christian Era can only be shown to have been used regularly after 1431 (Ginzel, 1914, III, p.181).

The famous calculation of the precession used by astronomers and astrologers is not suitable, either. In the -2nd century, Hipparchus discovered that the sign of the Zodiac which rises at the beginning of spring does not always remain the same. Each of the twelve signs in succession moves into this position, after approx. 2160 years each. This is due to the movement of the Earth’s axis: not only is it tilted, it also moves around in a slow circle. In the course of roughly 26.000 years, the Platonic great year, it completes one full circular motion.

However, with all the fuss people are making about the change from one sign of the Zodiac to the other — at the moment we are moving from Pisces to Aquarius — the relevant figures are imprecise and contradictory. One of the reasons for this is that each of the signs of the Zodiac takes up a different amount of space in the sky. But even astrologers who have divided up the Zodiac into twelve equal parts of 30° are unable to agree on precise moments of change and prefer talking of broad overlapping zones.

2) Year-Dates with Minus Signs
The year-dates as used in this journal, with minus signs for years BC, follow a precisely defined astronomical practice which has not, so far, been used accurately. The calendar according to the Christian Era lacks the year zero which, however, is necessary to be able to calculate sums and differences quickly. For this reason, astronomers have declared the year 1 before the Birth of Christ to be the year 0, year 2 BC the year -1, and so forth. Year 45 BC is, therefore, the year -44. Until this issue, we would have simply written -45, because this difference of a year is irrelevant in considerations concerning some much greater uncertainties. As, however, it can be decisive in the present context, all the figures in this paper given with the minus sign will have to be increased by 1 to yield the correct BC date.

3) Calendar Correction by Way of a Leap Year
Building a calendar is an attempt to convert the actual, observable solar year into a scheme in such a way that there is not the slightest divergence between scheme and celestial motion, because each difference develops, in the course of the centuries, to a gaping hole. The chief problem lies in the fact that the solar year (or tropical year, defined as the period between two subsequent passages of the Earth through the vernal equinox) cannot be expressed in entire days. At the end of the year, only about a quarter of the last day belongs to the old year. It took long for this problem to be solved by adding intercalary days which are added at certain intervals. (Entire months are required when, as with the Muslim and Jewish calendars, the lunar year with 355 days and the solar year with approx. 365 days are to be harmonized. It is unlikely that the revolution around the Sun ever corresponded to a complete number of days — no Sun-related calendar, therefore, can have been valid for a long time without a ruling concerning intercalary days.)

4) The vernal equinox
For the Christian calendar makers of the 16th century, the most important problem consisted in linking the astronomical vernal equinox again with the first day of spring, because the following first full Moon was decisive for the Easter date of the ecclesiastical year. The observation everyone was able to confirm for themselves, that Easter was drifting towards summer, emphasized the need to correct the calendar.

The vernal equinox is so called because on that day, in principle, the Sun rises at 6 a.m. and sets at 6 p.m.; day and night are, therefore, of equal length. Furthermore, this is the moment when the Sun rises precisely in the East, an important phenomenon for determining the cardinal points (this is only the case on one other day, the autumnal equinox). Finally, it is also fixed astronomically:
Due to the Earth’s axis being tilted, an observer standing on Earth lacks certainty. In addition to the plane of the Earth’s revolution around the Sun, which is described as the ecliptic (which is the apparent path of the Sun in the sky), there is the second plane of the celestial equator (the projection of the Earth’s equator onto the celestial sphere). The points of intersection between ecliptic and celestial equator are the vernal and autumnal equinoxes. The Gregorian reform fixed the vernal equinox at 21st March. Since we have to use a calendar with leap days and as this leap day is introduced just before 21st March, on 29th February, the vernal equinox falls more often on the 20th March than on the 21st, on rare occasions even on 19th. This does not, however, change anything about the principle according to which it is fixed (Moyer, 1982, pp.94, 99).

5) Calculation of the Easter date
The disputes went on for much longer. Agreement between the Celtic and Roman churches was only reached in 663 at the Synod of Whitby. Until then, the Celts in the British Isles, but also on the Continent, calculated Easter according to an 84-year cycle which was recognized in 314 at the Council of Arles. “The Alexandrians, however, preferred the more precise 19-year cycle, which was taken over by Pope Leo I and all Roman churches in the middle of the 5th century” (Cunliffe, 1980, 193). These traditions are in noticeable contrast to the definitive decisions which were supposed to have been taken at Nicaea in 325. When was the calculation of the Easter date really standardized?

6) Conversions Gregorian – Julian
Bickerman’s veil is luckily an exception, but the classical tables, such as Schram’s, 1908, also use this basic rule of one compensation day every 400 years. It was, and still is, practiced (Zemanek, 1984, p.126) because “the Gregorian Calendar is not generally back-calculated” (Schram, 1908, XVI). For this reason Schram permits his tables, which are otherwise precise to the day, not accurately to reflect the back-calculation — a further veil to be drawn. Schram shows for Gregorian 21st March -44 (the year of Caesar’s reform) the Julian date of 23rd March, but Grotefend (1891, p.90) seems to think that it ought to be on 25th March. In 1984, Zemanek seems to have gone back to Schram, for “originally on 23rd March, the vernal equinox had moved forward to 11th March. It was fixed on 21st March, which made it necessary to skip 10 days” (Zemanek, 1984, p.29). The constant changes in dates, i.e. the further uncertainties shown, are a sure indication of a weak point.

Today’s computer programs, like the old tables, go back to the “Julian calculation”. It was developed in the year after the Gregorian reform by Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540-1609) and is very simple: starting with 01.01.4713 BC, every day is given a consecutive number and is, therefore, unequivocally identifiable. But the calculation from a calendar day to this “Julian day” (which is nothing to do with the Julian Calendar) is made via the Gregorian correction factor and this, again, follows the old rule (Zemanek 1984, p.124).

7) To be on the safe side, we want to admit that in the action of “pruning calendars” there may have been a discrepancy of up to a day, so that the interval to be taken out lies between 217 and 473 years. According to this calculation, the maximum number of calendar years to be eliminated is 473.

Bibliography:​

Bickerman, E.J.: Chronology of the Ancient World (London, 1980):
Buchner, Edmund: Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus (Mainz, 1982)
Chauve-Bertrand, Abbé: La Question de Pâques et du Calendrier (Paris 1936)
Cunliffe, Barry: Die Kelten und ihre Geschichte(Bergisch-Gladbach, 1980)
Deschner, Karlheinz: Abermals krähte der Hahn(Düsseldorf 1980, first published 1962)
Ekrutt, Joachim W.: Der Kalender im Wandel der Zeiten. 5000 Jahre Zeitberechnung (Stuttgart, 1972)
Ginzel, F.K.: Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie. Das Zeitrechnungswesen der Völker. II and IIIrd volumes (Leipzig, 1911, 1914)
Grotefend, H.: Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit. lst Volume: Glossary and Tables (Hannover, 1891)
Heinsohn,Gunnar: Die Sumerer gab es nicht (Frankfurt 1988); English edition (1988):Ghost Empires of the Past — Did the Sumerians Ever Really Exist?
Heinsohn,G. /Illig, H.: Wann lebten die Pharaonen? (Frankfurt/Main 1990)
Illig, Heribert: Die veraltete Vorzeit (Frankfurt/Main 1988)
Lincoln, Henry /Baigent, Michael /Leigh, Richard: The Holy Blood and the Holy Grail (Corgi Books, Ealing, 1982)
Moyer, Gordon (1982): Der gregorianische Kalender; in Spektrum der Wissenschaft, July 1982, p.92
Schram, Robert: Kalendariologische und Chronologische Tafeln (Leipzig 1908)
Wood, Michael: In Search of the Dark Ages (London 1982, 1988)
Zemanek, Heinz: Kalender und Chronologie (München, 1984)
 
We know that there was a great migratory movement from the Eurasian steppes. All peoples moved from east to west. And this widespread migration significantly precedes the cometary incident that occurred in Justinian's time. So I asked myself what was the sudden cause of this migratory whirlwind. I discovered that there was a very important comet around 135 AEC and it was so significant that it marked the reign of one of the greatest emperors of China: Han Wudi.

This is the "Yuanguang" or "Yuan-kouang" (literally "original light") era. This period is marked by a major conflict between the Han dynasty and the Xiongnu (in fact the Huns). The construction of the Chinese wall seems to date from this period. It is said that the Xiongnu Confederation collapsed and was divided between the Northern Xiongnu and the Southern Xiongnu.

I have therefore reconsidered the "scourge of God" attributed to Attila.

From there, there is a domino effect on all the rest of Europe and we arrive at the barbarian invasions on the borders of Europe. And this situation actually begins some time before Julius Caesar: the Cimberian war, the invasion of England, the wars of Mithridates and the invasion of Gaul by the Suevi and Salyans (the Salians as in the 5th AD?). This gives another perspective to the climate of civil war under Caesar.

I therefore feel that a broader view must be incorporated in order to place these centuries in excess, as if the chronology were erroneous in a different way between the western part and the eastern Greek part.
Would there then have been two major cometary incidents spaced about 200 years apart? This could have caused confusion in paleoclimatology.
 
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