Raine, Samenow, Fallon: Neuropsychology & The Work

no, both MAO-A and SERT variants with higher functioning are correlated with violence not the other way around(AFAIK)

That is incorrect.

If we look at what MAO-A actually does, it is an enzyme involved in breaking down monoamine neurochemicals.


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Dopamine is initially broken down by MAO-A into DOPAC, which is subsequently methylated via catechol-O-methyltransferase to yield homovanillic acid (HVA).

Serotonin is broken down to 5-HIAA through MAO-A also.

Norepinephrine (noradrenaline) and Adrenaline are also metabolized by MAO-A and COMT to yield vanilylmandelic acid (VMA)

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Hence, higher activity of these enzymes is associated with depression, flat mood, and lack of motivation. The reason is because high-activity variants of MAO-A/COMT lead to rapid breakdown of the neurotransmitters and predispose one to a low serotonin, low dopamine, low adrenaline state.


On the other hand, low-activity variants predispose one to a high dopamine, high adrenaline, high serotonin state. This is associated with aggression, violence, etc.

You can read this full review paper for more details:

The criminal gene: the link between MAOA and aggression (REVIEW)

Results​

The low activity form of the MAOA gene (MAOA-L) has been linked to increased levels of aggression and violence. Data from a 2007 study suggests that MAOA-L individuals are hypersensitive, so are affected more by negative experiences (thus react more aggressively in defence) as opposed to being hyposensitive, and lacking emotion for harming others. Male members of a large Dutch kindred displaying abnormal violent behaviour were found to have low MAO-A activity linked to a deleterious point mutation in the 8th exon of the gene. The unaffected male members within the family did not carry this mutation. The first study that investigated behaviour in response to provocation showed that, overall, MAOA-L individuals showed higher levels of aggression than MAOA-H (high MAOA activity) subjects. There was also strong evidence for a gene-by-environment interaction as both groups showed similar low levels of aggression with low provocation, but MAOA-L individuals displayed significantly higher levels of aggression in a high provocation situation. A further gene-by-environment interaction was found in a long-term study performed on large number of children. Those with the MAOA-L genotype paired with maltreatment in childhood were correctly predicted to commit crime. Similar results are replicated in the majority of other related studies, but not all.
Go to:

Conclusions​

We present mounting evidence that biological, environmental, and social factors are involved in criminal behaviour. Deficiencies in MAO-A activity have been identified in numerous studies to correlate positively with aggressive behaviour, but its influence may be moderated by environmental factors. Although further research into this aspect of neurocriminology is required, the findings highlight an ethical dilemma with regards to prosecuting criminals. Since individuals cannot be held accountable for their genes, should they be held responsible for their dispositions and resulting actions?
 
I'll abstain making generalizations because from my own experience and others pharmacodynamics plays a much bigger role than the common sense tells you, and I believe it's always good to check as many sources as possible(I've seen myself serotonin polymorphisms taken out from snpedia after myheritage bought it)

as a counterpoint to the MAOA psychopath theory:

higher activity in rs6323 was confirmed and replicated as correlated to outward agression(the kind of aggression that you discount on others)



here a more "meta" article showing there's not a well researched link between MAOA and agression



and maybe the most important point that people fail to realize is that higher endogenous neurotransmitters does NOT equal increased neurotransmission, probably the opposite(e.g that the lower catalytic enzymes are a reaction to lower neurostransmitters, related to the methylation cycle and all that)
 
I came across the acronym 'DARVO' recently. It describes the response of a guilty offender to deflect accusations. DARVO stands for Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender and was first proposed by Jennifer J. Freyd in 1997 in a paper called Violations of Power, Adaptive Blindness and Betrayal Trauma Theory for the University of Oregon.

While the elements of DARVO have been discussed in the reading, having an offenders usual response to accusation put into a conceptual framework like this is helpful. Freyd coined the term with domestic violence, sexual assault and childhood abuse in mind, but as the following article suggests, it has broader application than just those crimes:

A guide to DARVO, the gaslighting response people give when they’re called out for bad behaviour

When an influential person is called out for doing something terrible, whether that’s promoting harmful, hateful views, holding prejudiced beliefs, or abusing someone online or in real life, there’s a formula for what they have to do. First they have to issue an official statement, either owning up to or denying their wrongdoing and offering an explanation or an apology. Then they’ll need to gently rehabilitate their image so they can be officially un-cancelled.

But within that formula, there’s another formula – and that’s DARVO. DARVO is an acronym that describes the typical response of a guilty person when they’ve been accused of bad behaviour. It’s traditionally referred to in discussions of a perpetrator of sexual crimes, such as rape or physical abuse, but is a pattern that pops up in many other situations in which people are called out for something negative.

It stands for Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender.

Let’s break down those stages.

First you have Deny – that’s pretty self-explanatory. You’ll see the person accused of wrongdoing simply denying that that’s the case; ‘I do not hold those views’, ‘I never said that’, ‘I did not do that bad thing’. The Deny stage is where gaslighting starts to come into play, with the person often trying to simply deny someone else’s lived reality. ‘No, that doesn’t happen’, ‘no, you’re making that up’, or ‘that might have happened, but it’s not as bad as you say it is’.

Then there’s the Attack bit. This is when the accused person will turn around the criticism to focus blame on the person calling them out. So let’s say a celebrity was called out by someone on Twitter – they might go into attack mode by accusing that person of just being jealous, or bitter, or a liar.

Finally, you’ve got the Reverse Victim and Offender stage. This is where things get sneaky and subtle. Suddenly, the accused person will turn things around and say that actually, they’re not guilty of doing something terrible. In fact, they are the ones being treated poorly. In this stage, you might see someone introduce their own trauma as an excuse or a distraction tactic. They’ll respond to accusations of racism, for example, with a story about how they faced gender discrimination when they were younger. Or they might focus their statement on how they feel ‘bullied’ by the accusations, so those reading feel that the person who has been called out is actually the victim, facing online abuse rather than being challenged on their actions.

She created the term back in 1997, but often speaks and writes about DARVO in the context of the #MeToo movement. DARVO can be nestled into an apology or it can be a replacement for one. Its aim is to disarm the accusors and essentially prevent people from making further criticisms. It’s a clever trap when you think about it. Imagine all the stages together in this hypothetical.

Let’s say an influential person is accused of transphobia. They issue a response in which they deny that they are transphobic – ‘I love trans people! I have many trans friends!’ – then attack their critics – ‘people saying I’m transphobic are just cruel, hateful people who want to cause division’. Finally, they Reverse Victim and Offender: ‘I’m receiving so much online abuse because I’m a woman and we live in a sexist society’.

Now, as a critic, you’re stuck. If you continue to call that person out, you’re ‘cruel, hateful and want to cause division’. You’re being sexist. You’re piling on the online abuse. Clever, right? It silences other victims, too, showing them that if they speak up they’ll just have their experiences denied, be attacked, and be blamed.

The dangerous thing is that DARVO works. Research by Dr Freyd and her colleague, Sarah Harsey, found that exposure to a DARVO response was associated with less belief of the victim and more blame of the victim, meaning the response is successful for the perpetrators of abuse. It’s handy to know about DARVO, however, so you can see through the sneaky tactics and work out what’s really going on. Dr Freyd has said before that people are much less likely to believe and accept a DARVO response once they understand the mechanics of this commonly used technique – and her research backs it up. Knowledge is power, and the more people know about DARVO, the less effective it becomes.

From Freyd's paper where she clarifies and outlines the thinking error behind DARVO, as well as addresses the broader social and cultural dynamics that serve to perpetuate it's use:

I have recently begun to think about a way to conceptualise the events that occur when a victim or a concerned observer openly confronts an abuser about his or her behaviour after a long period of silence in which the abuser could abuse without facing consequences. My proposal, currently very speculative, is that a frequent reaction of an abuser to being held accountable is the ‘DARVO’ response. ‘DARVO’ stands for ‘Deny, Attack and Reverse Victim and Offender’. It is important to distinguish types of denial, for an innocent person will probably deny a false accusation. Thus denial is not evidence of guilt. However, I propose that a certain kind of indignant, self-righteous, and overly stated, denial may in fact relate to guilt. I hypothesize that in an accusation that is true, and the accused person is abusive, the denial is more indignant, self-righteous and manipulative, as compared with denial in other cases. Similarly, I have observed that actual abusers threaten, bully and make a nightmare for anyone who holds them accountable or asks them to change their abusive behaviour. This attack, intended to chill and terrify, typically includes threats of law suits, overt and covert attacks on the whistle-blower’s credibility, and so on. The attack will often take the form of focusing on ridiculing the person who attempts to hold the offender accountable. The attack will also likely focus on ad hominem or ad feminam (sic - the paper is from feminist studies) instead of intellectual/evidential issues. Finally, I propose that the offender rapidly creates the impression that the abuser is the wronged one, while the victim or concerned observer is the offender. Figure and ground are completely reversed. The more the offender is held accountable, the more wronged the offender claims to be. The offender accuses those who hold him accountable of perpetrating acts of defamation, false accusations, smearing, etc. The offender is on the offense and the person attempting to hold the offender accountable is put on the defence. ‘Deny, Attack and Reverse Victim and Offender’ work best together. How can someone be on the attack so viciously and be in the victim role? Future research may investigate the hypotheses that the offender rapidly goes back and forth between ‘attack’ and ‘reverse victim and offender’.

This nascent ‘DARVO’ model focuses on the dynamics of perpetrators instead of focusing on the dynamics of victims. In a sense this new conceptualisation addresses the flip side of adaptive blindness: it looks at the consequences of betrayal awareness and communication about the awareness to the offender.

This adaptive blindness and betrayal awareness doesn't just impact communication to the offender, but also much of the community at large.

In a related vein, I have observed that the one particularly useful strategy for avoiding accountability that appears in the cases of accusations of sexual abuse and assault uses logic like this: ‘I am innocent until proven guilty. You cannot prove I am guilty. Therefore, I am technically innocent. Therefore, I am actually innocent.’ This is a reasoning error, akin to statistical errors that emerge when arguing from null results. We are in fact often faced with a reality we cannot prove in public terms (and this of course changes with time, so that realities that are not provable at one time may later become provable with advances in knowledge, technology and/or epistemological assumptions). The offender takes advantage of the confusion we have in our culture over the relationship between public provability and reality (and a legal system that has a certain history in this regard) in redefining reality. Future research may test the hypothesis that the offender may well come to believe in his innocence via this logic: if no one can be sure he is guilty then logically he is not guilty no matter what really occurred. The reality is thus defined by public proof, not by personal lived experience. As a consequence of this strategy, along with the biases in our legal system and culture, claims of being victim to false accusations may be more speakable than claims of being victim to sexual and domestic offenses.

Given the above, it's understandable why some victims choose to not speak up - it could be from an old fear of directly personally experiencing the dynamic or witnessing it happening to others. Whether conscious or unconscious as in the case of amnesia about personal experiences, Freyd explains that the adaptive blindness is used to manage, block out or dissociate from pain and this phenomenon can be maladaptive because where pain habitually is mitigated through adaptive blindness, behaviours don't change - pain no longer provides an adaptive function so contextual naiveté is protected.

In this way DARVO contains the seeds of it's own propagation and success and while the victims may not necessarily be engaging in criminal thinking in the same way, though they maybe engaging in other criminal thoughts, the thoughts and behaviours that develop through adaptive blindness and fear of betrayal aid and abet or enable criminal thinking in perpetrator and victim, or at least maladaptive thoughts and behaviours in the latter, and in both feeling entitled to the thoughts and behaviours but for different reasons. In some cases the criminal thoughts of the victim and perpetrator could be exactly the same with the difference being subject matter of those thoughts and the rationalisations or narratives relied on to support them. Additionally there's also the possibility that the victim has believed the perpetrators projections and attacks.
 
While the elements of DARVO have been discussed in the reading, having an offenders usual response to accusation put into a conceptual framework like this is helpful. Freyd coined the term with domestic violence, sexual assault and childhood abuse in mind, but as the following article suggests, it has broader application than just those crimes:

A guide to DARVO, the gaslighting response people give when they’re called out for bad behaviour
It is a very good way of describing the behavior. We see this in public life (particularly in politics, media , PR etc) all the time. W.r.t to common voter, who was supposed to make a choice, it is always a challenge. Part of them sees the truth, but part wants to have consensus or validate it. Media becomes a big player. Thanks to alternate views of Social Media, Most people could see it and even able elect anti-establishment leaders who can show the alternative. Of course, it is promoted as 'Polarisation of people', when it is in reality 'Polarisation of narration'.

In some countries, these anti-establishment leaders became so clever in exposing it with real results and mockery that establishment lost its power. Even in US ( 2020 elections) and Europe ( Brexit, other Independence movements), most people can see it and act, but establishment still maintains the control.
 
Hello Everyone,

I stumbled on an interesting video series on Youtube called Psychopathyls which is focused on expanding people's awareness on Psychopathy. I've often wondered what a psychopath actually look like and how they express themselves. Well, it doesn't get any better than this because it comes straight from the horses mouth.


 
We have a thread about James Fallon who wrote The Psychopath Inside (I recognised his face in the second video).


Perhaps you could post and introduce the videos in that thread, so more people will be able to watch it? :-)
 
Great propaganda videos. I think it would be more appropriate to set the audio in those to a montage of footage from "The Thing" by John Carpenter.
 
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